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  • > Quelle politique étrangère pour la Mauritanie ? Par, Mohamed Saleck Ould Brahim, chercheur, Centre Mauritanien de Recherches sur le Développement et le Futur,

Quelle politique étrangère pour la Mauritanie ? Par, Mohamed Saleck Ould Brahim, chercheur, Centre Mauritanien de Recherches sur le Développement et le Futur,

20 08 2007

« Si le Sahara, si le Sahel et le Fleuve, si le Chargue et la Guebla représentent des entités vivantes avec des vocations particulières, nous placerons au-dessus d’elles une entité qui les résume toutes: la Mauritanie. Nous sommes une nation qui naît. Nous en avons conscience ». Moktar Ould Daddah, Homme d’Etat, premier Président de la Mauritanie.
« Il est dans la nature de l’homme politique qu’il soit plus sensible et attentif que tout autre au rythme de la vie nationale et aux préoccupations du peuple. Mais il est aussi animé d’une ardente et constante compétition pour le pouvoir. Ayant fait prévaloir ses choix et sa personne au sein de son groupe, le stratège cherche tout naturellement à le faire à l’extérieur ». Alain PLANTEY, Académicien français.

I- Quatre mois après la mise en place des nouveaux pouvoirs exécutif et législatif, démocratiquement élus en Mauritanie, la rentrée politique de la 3éme république, reste marquée par quatre actes officiels hautement significatifs sur la détermination des objectifs, du contenu et de la portée de la politique générale proposée aux mauritaniens et sur l’engagement de ces pouvoirs pour sa mise en oeuvre. Un vif débat, qui en découle, gagne la scène publique nationale. De plus en plus structuré, il annonce un automne fort controversé à Nouakchott. Au-delà de la profusion des discours, la toile de fond de ce débat bute sur l’incontournable problématique de la pertinence et de la cohérence de la politique étrangère de la Mauritanie par rapport à sa politique intérieure pendant un demi-siècle d’indépendance. L’ambivalence caractéristique de l’exercice pratique de ces politiques ainsi que leurs rapports historiques, incidents et dissidents fait ressurgir inéluctablement les mêmes interrogations. Paradoxalement, l’opposition entre l’interne et l’externe, dont la pertinence est largement contestée dans la sociologie des relations internationales, se révèle quasiment artificielle en Mauritanie, l’interne est déjà de l’externe et réciproquement.
Les tergiversations de ce débat annoncé témoignent de la sensibilité des enjeux inhérents à tous effort de refondation durable de la nation mauritanienne sur le socle de la désethnicisation, de la détribalisation, de la pacification et de la démocratisation des rapports sociopolitiques et, préviennent plutôt un réflexe de réarmement identitaire des ensembles ethniques qui se profile en filigrane.
Un demi siècle après son indépendance, force est de reconnaître, que si le projet politique initial de la Mauritanie était bien de bâtir une nation par-delà les clivages ethniques, régionalistes et tribaux, il est indiscutable aujourd’hui que l’absence d’une vision claire, les innombrables difficultés de parcours et les mutations de l’ordre international en particulier, ont fini par conduire ce projet d’Etat-nation vers une crise inavouée. Dès sa création, ce modèle d’Etat ne répondant pas à une allégeance citoyenne intériorisée par les populations, a été instrumentalisé et récupéré à travers de subtiles schémas réductionnistes, clientélistes et sectaires s’identifiant, en somme, à des interminables pratiques de  »politique du ventre », de coups de force et de coups de sang, qui se succèdent et se ressemblent dans un malheureux retour éternel.
Il demeure difficile de desceller le potentiel explicatif de l’influence des facteurs externes sur l’ordre politique interne de la Mauritanie et à l’inverse, le poids de la donne interne dans les relations extérieures de notre pays. D’où l’extrême difficulté d’évaluer objectivement la pertinence des objectifs, des méthodes et des résultats des différentes pratiques successives des politiques publiques en la matière.
Hésitante et déchirée entre deux choix qui paraissaient difficilement conciliables à l’époque: faire la politique de son histoire ou la politique de sa géographie, la Mauritanie avait perdu beaucoup de temps pour assoire sa propre identité nationale consensuelle. Une vision claire des modalités pratiques d’une valorisation durable de cette identité nationale, devant jeter les bases d’une politique intérieure pérenne, avait longtemps manqué au rendez-vous. Par conséquent, la politique étrangère de la Mauritanie, qui devait être la projection de la philosophie politique nationale mettant en exergue les valeurs et les idéologies communes traduites dans des activités par les quelles l’Etat mauritanien, suivant des objectifs bien prescrits, devait définir, établir et gérer ses rapports avec les gouvernements étrangers, s’est très vite confinée dans une logique conjoncturelle, sans consistance et sans portée. La légèreté avec la quelle avait été traitée la prépondérance de la donne internationale et ses incidences sur la politique intérieure, s’était souvent traduite par une politique étrangère inadaptée, peu visible et peu efficace. Elle avait finit par s’assimiler à l’ombrage des jeux partisans de lutte, tout venant, pour la conquête du pouvoir et le partage des privilèges. Bref, la Mauritanie est devenue un pays malade de sa politique étrangère.

-II-
Les quatre actes officiels hautement significatifs qui ont relancé ce débat en Mauritanie sont : (i) la publication de la lettre de mission du Président de la République confiant au Premier ministre la charge de mener à bien les réformes en profondeur qu’appelle la situation politique, économique et sociale du pays au sortir de la période de transition, entre autres, le raffermissement de l’unité nationale, la refondation de l’Etat, l’encrage de la culture démocratique ; (ii) la présentation, par le Premier ministre, de la déclaration de politique générale du gouvernement devant le Parlement, axée en matière de politique étrangère sur l’attachement à la souveraineté nationale et aux rapports de bon voisinage, le soutien aux causes justes et l’action en faveur de la paix et la solidarité internationale et l’impulsion décisive du rôle de la Mauritanie au sein des sphères arabe, africaine et islamique et d’accélération de l’intégration sous régionale ; (iii) le discours du Chef de l’Etat qui, au nom de la République, a exprimé sa compassion à l’égard des victimes des années sombres dans l’histoire du pays, et a assumé cette part d’ombre, tous en recherchant les voies et moyens appropriés pour organiser le retour dans la dignité des réfugiés mauritaniens au Sénégal à l’issue des événements tragiques intervenus en 1989, régler le passif humanitaire y affairant et éradiquer les séquelles de l’esclavage; (vi) la déclaration du Ministre des affaires étrangères et de la coopération (au cours d’une conférence de presse), soulignant que la diplomatie mauritanienne axera, dans la prochaine étape, sur le principe de la non ingérence dans les affaires intérieures des autres Etats, la dynamisation des relations avec les pays frères et amis et la réhabilitation de la diplomatie mauritanienne à travers le renforcement des capacités de son administration et l’amélioration de ses prestations au niveau central comme au niveau des missions diplomatiques dans le monde, pour l’amener à jouer pleinement son rôle aux niveaux arabe, africain et international en faisant
connaître les potentialités économiques du pays pour lui attirer d’importants investissements.
A la lumière de ces actes officiels qui déterminent clairement et suffisamment l’engagement public des nouvelles autorités, désormais liées, déontologiquement et politiquement, par une obligation de résultat par rapport aux objectifs et aux contenus qualitatif et quantitatif de la politique générale qu’elles viennent de proposer aux mauritaniens et, eu égards aux multiples réactions que ses actes officiels rendu public ont suscité de part et d’autre au sein de l’opinion publique nationale au pluriel, dans des milieux très diversifiés : intellectuels, élus, presse et société civile notamment, le présent article est une contribution pour un débat de fond sur cette question nationale d’intérêt manifeste.
Pourquoi, historiquement, les données de la politique étrangère de la Mauritanie par rapport à celle de sa politique intérieure prêtent souvent à de fortes interprétations subtiles et parfois même contradictoires?
Pourquoi depuis l’indépendance, l’État mauritanien se cherche entre une difficile construction nationale dans la quelle la politique étrangère servait d’instrument de régulation de la politique intérieure. Une politique intérieure qui a été dominée par les pratiques de « politique du ventre » et par un réflexe international de recherche de cautions pour des coups de force et des coups de sang internes de la part des différents acteurs politiques. Comment comprendre le poids des facteurs internes dans les relations extérieures de la Mauritanie et à l’inverse, l’influence des facteurs externes sur l’ordre politique interne de notre pays?
Par le passé, quelles ont été les modalités d’insertion de la Mauritanie dans les systèmes international et régional? Comment avait elle subi les influences de ses environnements immédiats et lointains? Quel rôle prétend-elle jouer sur la scène internationale? Quels ont été les différents acteurs intervenant dans la détermination de sa politique étrangère?
A présent la Mauritanie, au-delà de la bonne volonté annoncée des nouveaux pouvoirs publics, a-t-elle, réellement, une politique étrangère lisible et pertinente? Quels sont les objectifs de cette politique par rapport de la donne interne du pays? Quels sont ses contenus, ses enjeux stratégiques et ses modes de mise en œuvre et de suivi évaluation? Quels sont les parties prenantes, les acteurs et les bénéficiaires de cette politique étrangère? La Mauritanie est-elle acteur ou victime de sa propre politique étrangère? La Mauritanie a-t-elle une action diplomatique visible et cohérente au service de sa politique étrangère? Quel est son niveau d’opérationnalité? De quelles ressources dispose cette diplomatie pour assurer la mobilisation de ses capacités de négociation et d’action? Pourquoi notre diplomatie est-elle déconnectée de la réalité nationale? Quelle place et quel rôle pour les diplomaties parallèles dont l’efficacité, à l’échelle planétaire, n’est plus à démontrer?
-III-

La Mauritanie est, peut-être, l’un des rares pays au monde qui a été profondément marquée par la fluctuation des relations internationales et par le poids, souvent périlleux, de la géopolitique. Malgré son passé, comme acteur international, jadis radieux par les grandes expéditions almoravides et leur rayonnement atlantique et méditerranéen, la Mauritanie est redevenue sujet de relations internationales, lorsqu’elle avait été placée dans la zone d’influence française par l’acte général de la conférence de Berlin en 1885, qui avait décidé le partage de l’Afrique entre les grandes puissances de l’époque.
Durant un peu plus d’un siècle de son histoire moderne, depuis le début de la colonisation en 1899 à nos jours, la donne extérieure n’a cessé de façonner, intervertir et bouleverser la réalité interne de notre pays. La politique intérieure de la Mauritanie a souvent constituée les vestiges d’une certaine politique étrangère voulue et/ou subi. Elle n’était que la partie émergente de l’aceberg de l’action publique nationale.
Au départ, c’était pour des raisons géostratégiques que les autorités coloniales françaises avaient décidé la création de la « Mauritanie occidentale » en 1899 pour « administrer le vide » en contrôlant une zone intermédiaire entre l’Afrique du Nord et l’Afrique occidentale française. Plus tard, la Mauritanie fut transformée en territoire civil en 1904 et, rattachée aux autres colonies de l’Afrique Occidentale Française (A.O.F.) en 1920.
Le projet d’une Mauritanie indépendante, même s’il fut supporté par certaines élites nationalistes et globalement approuvé par les populations locales, répondait avant tout à des considérations géostratégiques françaises, notamment pour mettre en concurrence le projet marocain du leader istiqlalien le feu Allal al-Fasi visant la restauration d’un grand espace marocain allant de Tanger à Saint-Louis du Sénégal et à Tombouctou au Mali. Dans un tel contexte international, Il ne pouvait être question pour la France de créer une Mauritanie « arabe » au risque de servir de base arrière pour la résistance algérienne.
Ainsi, dans l’ordre international qui été établi à l’époque, l’Etat mauritanien avait été créé en regroupant, par un jeu subtil de tracé de frontières, au sein d’un grand espace territorial des populations brunes et noires issues d’anciens empires, émirats et chefferies maures et de royaumes africains précoloniaux. La base de la cohabitation séculaire intercommunautaire s’était constituée autour d’un vecteur culturel commun majeur: la civilisation arabo-islamique, véhiculée par la langue Arabe, d’où l’appellation générique de « république islamique de Mauritanie ».

Dès son indépendance en 1960, au terme d’une colonisation au rabais qui, n’a guère formé les structures indispensables, susceptibles de préparer les transformations politiques, économiques et sociales, la Mauritanie a été confrontée, très tôt, à de sérieux problèmes diplomatiques sur le plan international. La première demande d’admission de la Mauritanie à l’ONU a été bloquée par un veto soviétique en décembre 1960. Elle ne sera « tolérée » qu’au terme d’un vaste marchandage diplomatique au cours duquel l’URSS avait accepté finalement de monnayer son abstention contre l’admission de la Mongolie. A l’époque, les prétentions territoriales marocaines sur la Mauritanie étaient largement soutenues par le « groupe de Casablanca » (Maroc, Guinée, Mali, Ghana, Egypte et Libye) ainsi que la Ligue Arabe (à l’exception de la Tunisie).
Il avait fallu que la Mauritanie sollicite l’appui de son premier « allié » la France. Ainsi, la voie a été ouverte pour la signature des fameux accords de coopération du 19 juin 1961 qui ont considérablement renforcé l’emprise de l’ancienne métropole sur la Mauritanie. La révision de ces mêmes accords de coopération, dont certaines clauses étaient à la limite de la souveraineté nationale, a été l’objet de larges revendications nationalistes en 1972.
En 1963, et malgré ses relations privilégiées avec l’Afrique francophone et plus particulièrement avec les Etats modérés du « groupe de Monrovia », un différend frontalier a éclaté entre la Mauritanie et le Mali. Ce différent avait été réglé, également, à l’aide de la France, à travers le traité de Kayes qui avait permis aux deux pays de normaliser leurs relations.
En 1967, la Mauritanie avait signé un accord de coopération économique, technique et culturelle avec la République Populaire de Chine qui lui avait accordé un prêt sans intérêt d’un milliard de francs CFA et de 57 millions de dollars en 1971. Ainsi, la Chine a été à l’origine d’importantes réalisations comme le port en eau profonde de Nouakchott, des périmètres expérimentaux de riziculture et certains travaux d’adduction d’eau potable.
En 1972, la Mauritanie avait crée avec le Sénégal et le Mali l’Organisation de la mise en valeur du fleuve Sénégal (OMVS).
En 1972, la révision des accords de coopération avec la France avait entraîné une brouille des relations étrangères de la Mauritanie avec l’ancienne métropole. Dans ce contexte, certaines décisions prises par la Mauritanie, comme le retrait de la zone franc, la création de la monnaie nationale « l’ouguiya », de la Société Nationale Industrielle et Minière (SNIM), et la nationalisation de la (MIFERMA), où les capitaux français, pourtant privés, étaient majoritaires, ont été des actes à forte connotation de politique étrangère.
En 1973, la Mauritanie avait été officiellement reconnue par la Ligue arabe, après la signature en 1970 d’un traité à Casablanca qui avait mis terme aux revendications territoriales marocaines sur la Mauritanie.
En 1975, un Accord sur le Sahara occidental a été signé entre la Mauritanie, l’Espagne et le Maroc. Le partage de ce territoire, entre le Maroc à hauteur de 2/3 et la Mauritanie à hauteur de 1/3, avait aussitôt suscité la réaction vigoureuse du Polisario par des attaques armées contre la Mauritanie. 
En 1976, les relations de la Mauritanie avec l’Algérie ont été rompues. La guerre du Sahara avait précipité le retour de la Mauritanie sous le parapluie de la protection française pour assurer sa propre défense.
En 1977, l’assistance militaire française, en matière d’organisation et d’instruction des forces armées mauritaniennes, avait fait passer les effectifs de l’armée mauritanienne de 3000 à 18000 hommes entre 1975 et 1978. La France avait également franchi une nouvelle étape dans son appui à la Mauritanie, dans le cadre du conflit du Sahara occidental, lorsque ses avions de combat Jaguar avaient bombardé les colonnes des combattants sahraouies.
En 1978, après que la France avait décidé d’abandonner son aide militaire à la Mauritanie, craignant de s’embourber dans le conflit sahraoui, un coup d’état militaire avait destitué le Président feu Moktar Ould Daddah. Le rôle de la France apparaissait en filigrane et son Gouvernement incitait les militaires au pouvoir à engager un processus de retrait de la Mauritanie d’une guerre qui compromettait les relations françaises avec l’Algérie. A l’époque, Paris cherchait à protéger ses intérêts qui sont beaucoup plus importants à Alger qu’à Nouakchott.
En 1980, la Mauritanie avait changé de cap, en signant un traité d’amitié avec l’Algérie au moment où ses relations avec le Maroc avaient été rompues. Le Maroc, par acteurs interposés, avait réagit le 16 mars 1981 par un coup de force et de sang contre les institutions de l’Etat mauritanien;
A partir de 1981, la Mauritanie avait commencé à établir et à entretenir des rapports de coopération exceptionnels avec les pays du golfe arabe, notamment avec le Koweït, l’Arabie Saoudite et l’Irak, qui ont apporté un appui substantiel à la politique de redressement économique et financier d’une subvention budgétaire de plus de 220 millions de dollars. Entre 1985 et 1988, près du tiers de l’aide internationale au profit de la Mauritanie provenait des pays du Golfe arabe.
En 1984, un coup d’état militaire avait porté à la tête du pouvoir le colonel Maaouiya Ould Taya. De nouveau, le rôle de la France apparaît en filigrane.
En février 1989, la Mauritanie avait adhéré, par le traité de Marrakech, à l’Union du Maghreb Arabe.
En Avril 1989, un incident frontalier anodin avait déclenché de sanglantes émeutes anti-mauritaniennes à Dakar et anti-sénégalaises à Nouakchott caractérisées par des violences mutuelles qui ont portés de graves préjudices en vies humaines et en dégâts matériels de parts et d’autres. La déportation humiliante des milliers de mauritaniens et de sénégalais au-delà des deux rives du fleuve Sénégal et la remise en cause des frontières méridionales de la Mauritanie avaient constitué le point culminant de ces événements.
En 1990, la Mauritanie avait signé un accord de coopération militaire et de sécurité avec l’Irak, qui avait gagné la sympathie du gouvernement mauritanien et celle d’une bonne partie de l’opinion publique par son prompt appui militaire notamment en chars blindés et en missiles de moyenne portée. À cette époque, la Mauritanie s’était trouvée en mauvaise posture par rapport au soutien international dans la crise qui l’opposée au Sénégal.
En 1991, les relations cordiales avec l’Irak durant le conflit du golfe ont entraîné la Mauritanie dans une double situation difficile. Les états arabes pétroliers et les puissances occidentales lui ont imposé des sanctions politiques, économiques et financières. Longtemps après, la Mauritanie est restée la cible préférée des critiques acerbes des organisations de défense des droits de l’Homme.
En 1992, et malgré les graves incidences de la crise avec le Sénégal qui n’étaient pas encore réglées, les relations entre la Mauritanie et le Sénégal ont été normalisées et la frontière entre les deux pays a été réouverte dans les deux sens;
En 1995, la Mauritanie avait intégré le processus de Barcelone comme un projet de « partenariat euro méditerranéen » visant à faire de cet espace cosmopolite une « zone de paix et de prospérité ».
En Juillet 1999, les relations avec la France s’étaient gravement détériorées lorsqu’un officier de l’armée mauritanienne, qui été en séjour de formation en France, avait été arrêté par la justice française pour violation des droits de l’Homme commises en Mauritanie. Cette arrestation a gravement brouillé les relations franco-mauritaniennes. La Mauritanie avait expulsé les conseillers militaires français et imposer le visa d’entrée aux ressortissants de ce pays.
En octobre 1999, la Mauritanie avait établi des relations diplomatiques normalisées avec Israël à l’issue des accords de paix d’Oslo, ratifiés en septembre 1993 par le feu Arafat et M. Rabin. Ainsi, après l’Égypte et la Jordanie, la Mauritanie est devenue le troisième pays arabe à établir des relations diplomatiques pleines et entières avec Israël. En réaction, la Ligue des Etats arabes avait demandé l’expulsion de la Mauritanie. A partir ce cet événement, la Mauritanie, qui s’est considérablement rapprochée des Etats-Unis en les autorisant à utiliser son territoire pour la collecte d’informations relatives aux activistes islamistes en Afrique du Nord, avait intégré le contingent des pays en guerre contre le terrorisme.
En 2000, les relations entre la Mauritanie et le Sénégal avaient connues de vives tensions à cause du problème des Vallées fossiles. La Mauritanie, qui avait dénoncé la « volonté hégémonique » du Sénégal et ses intentions hostiles à son égard, s’est retirée de la Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) ;
En 2003, la scène nationale avait connue plusieurs tentatives armées pour le renversement du pouvoir en place par la force, dont la plus célèbre et la plus sanglante était celle du 8 juin 2003.
En 2005, un coup d’état militaire a porté à la tête du pouvoir le colonel Ely Ould Mohamed Fall, ancien inamovible directeur général de la sûreté nationale au temps de son prédécesseur. Encore une fois, en dépit de son état rudimentaire et de sa panne profonde, la pseudo démocratie pluraliste et l’état de droit qu’avait connu le pays entre 1992-2005, n’ont pas été épargnés par la donne internationale et ses intermittents coups de force. L’inextricable imbroglio des intérêts économiques et géopolitiques internationaux et régionaux antagonistes, occidentaux, français et américains notamment, apparaît en filigrane.

-IV-
Au terme de cette chronologie sommaire, force est de reconnaître que, si le projet politique initial était bien de bâtir une nation mauritanienne par-delà les clivages ethniques, régionalistes et tribaux, il est indiscutable que l’absence d’une vision claire, les innombrables difficultés de parcours et les mutations de l’ordre international ont fini par conduire ce projet d’Etat-nation vers une crise inavouée. Vraisemblablement, ce modèle d’Etat ne répondant pas à une allégeance citoyenne voulue et intériorisée par les populations, a été systématiquement instrumentalisé par de subtiles schémas réductionnistes, clientélistes et sectaires s’identifiant, en somme, à des interminables pratiques de « politique du ventre », de coups de force et de coups de sang, qui se succèdent et se ressemblent dans un malheureux retour éternel.
A l’issue d’un demi-siècle d’indépendance nationale, Il demeure difficile de desceller le potentiel explicatif de l’influence des facteurs externes sur l’ordre politique interne de la Mauritanie et à l’inverse, le poids de la donne interne dans les relations extérieures de notre pays. D’où l’extrême difficulté d’évaluer objectivement la pertinence des objectifs, des méthodes et des résultats des différentes pratiques successives des politiques publiques en la matière.
Hésitante et déchirée entre deux choix qui paraissaient difficilement conciliables à l’époque: faire la politique de son histoire ou la politique de sa géographie, la Mauritanie avait perdu beaucoup de temps pour assoire sa propre identité nationale consensuelle. Une vision claire des modalités pratiques de la valorisation durable de cette identité nationale, devant jeter les bases d’une politique intérieure pérenne, avait longtemps manqué au rendez-vous. Par conséquent, la politique étrangère de la Mauritanie, qui devait être la projection de la philosophie politique nationale mettant en exergue les valeurs et les idéologies communes traduites dans des activités par les quelles l’Etat mauritanien, suivant des objectifs d’intérêt général bien prescrits, devait définir, établir et gérer ses rapports avec les gouvernements étrangers, s’est très vite confinée dans une logique conjoncturelle, sans consistance et sans portée. Elle avait finit par s’assimiler à l’ombrage des jeux partisans de lutte, tout venant, pour la conquête du pouvoir et le partage des privilèges. Bref, la Mauritanie est devenue un pays malade de sa politique étrangère.
La Mauritanie, dont l’existence avait été jugée comme un pur fait colonial visant à accentuer le morcellement du corps de la « Oumma », a été rapidement rejetée par le Monde arabe auquel elle se sentait, naturellement, plus proche. Faisant contre mauvaise fortune bon cœur, la Mauritanie s’est retourné vers les pays de l’Afrique noire. Elle avait participé à la création de l’Union Africaine et Malgache (OCAM) en 1961 et avait adhéré à l’Organisation de l’Unité Africaine (OUA) en 1963. A cette époque la politique étrangère de la Mauritanie été inspirée par le tracé de la frontière coloniale sur le Fleuve Sénégal (et non pas sur une ligne plus au Nord comme le projet en fut formulé dans l’entre-deux Guerres mondiales et rappelé par le Sénégal au moment de 1’Indépendance) et la transmission du pouvoir à un Maure du Trarza, qui été une région traditionnellement plus tournée vers l’Afrique noire. D’où l’émergence du statut de la Mauritanie comme pays-pont entre l’Afrique noire et le Monde arabe. Cette approche avait été traduite en politique étrangère par la « théorie » de la « Mauritanie trait d’union » qui était en quête tourmentée pour faire admettre sa légitimité tant sur le plan africain que sur le plan arabe. Cette perspective ne cachait pas pour autant la réalité conflictuelle du rapport centre/périphérie de notre pays vis-à-vis de chacun de ces deux mondes.
Plus tard, le retrait de la Mauritanie de l’OCAM (Organisation Commune Africaine et Malgache) avait été interprété, par des élites politiques négro-mauritaniennes, comme étant un recentrage politique du pays en direction du monde arabe. La politique hâtive d’arabisation de l’enseignement à partir de 1966, la reconnaissance arabe de la Mauritanie au début des années 1970, l’entente avec le Maroc pour le partage du Sahara occidental (1975-1978), le désengagement vis-à-vis de la France (1972-1974) et à l’égard des organismes de coopération sud-sahariens francophones, avaient, à l’époque, attiser la méfiance des élites politiques des communautés mauritaniennes Pular, Soninké et Wolof. Un message provocateur avait été reçu par les élites de ces communautés avec le sentiment que les élites politique de la communauté arabo-berbère avaient délibérément mis en place une politique d’assimilation progressive mais sûre des communautés négro-mauritaniennes. Ainsi, la récupération, par la Mauritanie, d’une partie du Sahara occidental avait été comprise comme étant un déplacement du centre de gravité géographique du pays vers le Nord, pour renforcer sa maghrébinité et – du fait de la multiplication des relations avec des pays arabes du Moyen-orient (Arabie Séoudite, Koweït, Irak) – son arabité.
La réaction des élites politiques de la Vallée du fleuve Sénégal, qui avait connu une radicalisation progressive depuis 1986 (publication du Manifeste du Négro-mauritanien opprimé, création des forces de libération africaines en Mauritanie (FLAM), tentatives prétendues de putsh pour convertir la Mauritanie en Walo-Walo, avait conduit à une exacerbation démesurée de la concurrence ethnique des nationalismes antagonistes pour le contrôle du pouvoir central. En 1989, la crise avec le Sénégal avait consacré un essor nationaliste radical de part et d’autre. La prise des distances la Mauritanie avec la France, son adhésion à l’Union du Maghreb arabe, ses bonnes relations avec l’Irak, notamment sur le plan de la défense, avaient constitué des arguments supplémentaires pour dénoncer un accès d’arabité devenu intolérable aux yeux d’une certaine élite Négro-mauritanienne. Par la suite, l’ensemble de ces éléments d’interprétation avaient été instrumentalisés politiquement pour le compte de la concurrence ethnique des nationalismes militants dans le cadre de leur lutte pour la conquête et/ou la consolidation du pouvoir.
A l’issue de la seconde guerre du Golfe et suite aux stimulantes recommandations du 16è Sommet franco-africain de La Baule en 1990, la fluctuation de la donne politique interne/externe de la Mauritanie avait connue une sorte de nouveau départ avec l’avènement de la démocratie, grâce aux réformes institutionnelles et législatives limitées qu’elle avait apporté. La rupture avec l’Irak, la souscription aux prescriptions des institutions de Bretton Woods, l’adhésion au processus de Barcelone, la participation à la lutte contre le fondamentalisme, le rapprochement avec les Etats-Unis et la normalisation avec Israël notamment, avaient substantiellement consolidé l’autorité du pouvoir qui était en place en mettant la Mauritanie dans une prodigieuse perspective internationale qui, malgré sa dynamique, ne tardera pas à atteindre ses propres limites. Pour une large élite issue de la communauté arabo-berbère, la continuation de la domination de la langue française dans l’usage public officiel en violation de l’article 6 de la constitution de 1991, les arrestations massives des nationalistes arabes et islamistes et la normalisation avec Israël en particulier, ont conduit les politiques publiques, sur les deux plans interne et externe, vers un acharnement politique anti-arabe. De nouveau, la Mauritanie officielle, qui, au nom d’une arabité prétendue, été déjà taxée antagonique à l’africanité du pays, s’est retrouvée ouvertement hostile à cette même arabité.
Plus récemment en 2005, cette situation controversée de flottement des antagonismes latents, qui avait survécue à de nombreux soubresauts, coups de force et coups de sang, a constituée un héritage confus pour les autorités de transition du CMJD lors du coup d’état du 3 Août. Lesquelles autorités qui avaient bien pris soin d’expédier, à l’état brut, ladite situation au compte courant des nouveaux pouvoirs démocratiquement élus.

-V-
L’opinion publique nationale, malgré un niveau élevé d’analphabétisme et en dépit des innombrables obstructions à la liberté d’expression de tous les temps, a été souvent très sensible aux événements de la politique internationale. Toutefois, la politique étrangère de la Mauritanie, ses moyens de mise en œuvre et son appareil diplomatique avaient toujours été mal connus et mal appréciés de la part de cette opinion publique. Globalement, la prise de conscience de l’importance de la donne internationale, imposée à notre pays par l’embarras de sa condition géopolitique et stratégique, et son énorme impact sur sa politique intérieure, a toujours été sous-estimée par les pouvoirs politiques successifs. La légèreté avec la quelle avait été traitée la prépondérance de cette donne internationale et ses incidences sur la politique intérieure, s’était souvent traduite par une politique étrangère inadaptée, peu visible et peu efficace.
L’élaboration d’une politique étrangère est un effort intellectuel, politique et professionnel qui exige capacité et volonté. C’est un exercice complexe qui demande une préparation soigneuse, complète et discrète, tout en prenant en compte de nombreuses variables qui forment un tout interactionnel et dynamique. Elle présuppose une excellente connaissance de l’environnement international (réalités, évolutions, changements, opportunités, menaces, etc.…), et du contexte sociétal interne, un cadre institutionnel approprié et des mécanismes adéquats de mise en œuvre et de suivi évaluation. La compréhension des liens dynamiques entre le comportement interne et le comportement international font appel à de nombreux domaines d’expertise et d’expérience (politique, économie, droit, sociologie, anthropologie, etc…). La diplomatie qui représente pour les relations internationales ce que représente la chirurgie pour la médecine ne se limite pas à l’action des ambassadeurs. A vocation multisectorielle, elle concerne tous les niveaux et tous les domaines d’intérêt pour le pays en question.
En Mauritanie, l’élaboration de la politique étrangère et la conduite de la diplomatie avaient, longtemps, constituées un apanage du domaine réservé des chefs d’Etat. Sans se donner les moyens exigés par la complexité de la charge et par les normes internationales reconnues en la matière, ces chefs d’Etat étaient souvent portés à être leurs propres ministres des affaires étrangères, voire leurs propres ambassadeurs. Désœuvrés, récompensés ou exilés selon le cas, la plupart de ces derniers s’étaient livrés à d’autres activités plus subalternes mais plus profitables pour préparer des retraites dorées. En dépit de cette énorme responsabilité publique, rare sont les chefs d’Etat qui s’étaient donné les moyens en ressources humaines qualifiées, en ressources organisationnelles d’expertise appropriées et en ressources financières nécessaires, pour s’en acquitter convenablement.
Durant 47 ans d’indépendance, aucun conseil national de sécurité, aucun conseil de défense, aucun système « opérationnel » de coordination générale des politiques publiques n’avait vu le jour auprès des 6 chefs d’Etat qui se sont succédé à la tête du pouvoir en Mauritanie. Pourtant, ce genre d’organismes et bien d’autres, qui présentent généralement une composition intellectuelle et professionnelle multidisciplinaire et fermée, assurent un rôle de « germoir public » pour les idées, les approches, les choix et les options de politiques intérieure, étrangère et de sécurité /défense, qui sont corroborées par la divergence des doctrines, des expériences, des intérêts et des sentiments de la crème de l’intelligentsia nationale qui veille sur leur fonctionnement assurant ainsi, après arbitrage, au niveau du gouvernement et du chef de l’Etat, les solutions les plus adaptés et les plus rationnelles qui sont retenues et insérées, par la suite, dans une ligne politique cohérente dont l’exécution est assurée par les administrations et les services publiques ainsi que leurs représentants aussi bien à l’intérieur comme à l’extérieur du pays.

Ce glissement de l’exercice de pouvoir vers un seuil despotique de la politique étrangère a été très tôt amorcé à l’aube de l’indépendance de la Mauritanie. La consolidation du pouvoir présidentiel est passée par un double processus de concentration institutionnelle et politique. La constitution parlementaire de 1959 faisait place en 1961 à une constitution d’inspiration présidentielle. Parallèlement, le monopartisme d’Etat a supplanté le multipartisme naissant. Le PPM (Parti du Peuple Mauritanien) avait été transformé en parti unique institutionnalisé par la révision constitutionnelle de 1965. Plus tard, cette tradition hautaine de gouvernance a été perpétuée, sous d’autres appellations taciturnes, par tous les pouvoirs qui se sont succédé.
Abandonnée à la discrétion et à l’appréciation exclusive du chef de l’Etat et de « ses proches », suivant des qualifications individuelles et des tempéraments personnels, la gestion de la politique étrangère de la Mauritanie s’est inlassablement banalisée, personnalisée, puis taboutisée, échappant ainsi à tous contrôle objectif, de surcroît démocratique.
Au fil du temps et des frustrations cumulées par les rendez-vous manqués avec le changement et la réforme en profondeur, l’errance de la politique étrangère mauritanienne commence à poser le problème de l’engagement national qui revêt parfois des considérations d’ordre moral et religieux. Il s’agit de définir l’étendue du pouvoir d’initiative et de décision des dirigeants. Aucun gouvernement, si autoritaire soit-il ne saurait, aujourd’hui, sous-estimer le concours ou l’affaiblissement que peut lui apporter son opinion publique. Mais si démocratique soit-il, aucun Gouvernement ne saurait non plus ignorer les limites et les conditions de l’appui populaires à sa politique étrangère.
Deux exemples témoins des pures contradictions de la politique étrangère de la Mauritanie et des limites de sa diplomatie restent particulièrement édifiant à ce sujet: (i) lorsqu’en 1977 la Mauritanie, qui s’était lancée en plein dans l’aventure du Sahara, avait été contrainte de faire appel à la France pour assurer sa défense, malgré, que la Mauritanie venait de sortir de la révision des accords de coopérations à l’égard de cette puissance internationale en 1972. D’où le tiraillement de cette politique étrangère entre le souci de préserver le label progressiste qu’elle s’est forgé au sein du Tiers-monde d’une part et, la nécessité de garantir son intégrité territoriale et sa souveraineté nationale d’autre part. (ii) Plus de vingt ans après, lorsqu’en 1999 la Mauritanie avait établi des relations diplomatiques avec Israël, malgré que ce choix de politique étrangère reste le moins compris et le plus contesté par l’opinion publique, le nouveau gouvernement élu, qui est actuellement en place, hésite encore entre le souci de préserver sur le plan international les « avantages comparatifs » liés au maintien de cet « acquis diplomatique » d’une part et, le désir croissant de récupérer politiquement la satisfaction d’une grande partie de l’opinion publique en mettant fin aux relations diplomatiques avec l’Etat hébreux, au risque et péril de perdre lesdits avantages.
Certes, en politique la bonne voie n’est pas toujours facile à trouver. La démarche peut être coûteuse, en efforts, en temps et en sacrifices, mais une chose est incontestable, la politique étrangère et la diplomatie s’accommodent mal de l’improvisation.
La vie d’une nation ne s’arrête pas à une situation figée. Ses rapports avec les autres se poursuivent, s’étendent et se modifient. Il en résulte une série indéfinie d’actions et de réactions qui, certaines causées, d’autres voulues, doivent toutes être ordonnées et coordonnées pour constituer une politiques étrangère au service de la quelle se placent les moyens et les actions des diplomaties aussi bien la diplomatie classique que les diplomaties parallèles, entendues comme étant la science et l’art des rapports entre les Etats et les peuples.
Il ne s’agit pas de nourrir des illusions. Dans la compétition internationale, que les phénomènes trans-étatiques (crime organisé, terrorisme, trafics illicites, migration, etc…) de la globalisation ne cessent d’alimenter, la nation qui ne manœuvre pas est aussitôt dominée par la manœuvre d’une autre. Le seul espoir raisonnable est que la rationalité des politiques tendent à la conciliation des rivalités plutôt qu’à l’aggravation des antagonismes.

Aujourd’hui, la politique étrangère de la Mauritanie et sa diplomatie sont appelées à rénover et à changer de perspective. Une véritable réforme de cette politique touchant aussi bien le fond que la forme ne peut plus tarder. Il est temps que la politique étrangère de notre pays, dans sa persistante errance privilégiant exclusivement la sécurité du territoire et celle des gouvernements au détriment de l’Homme, place désormais, le citoyen, ses aspirations pour un développement durable et ses intérêts légitimes comme point de référence pour toute action publique future.
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